Weaponisation of Hindu Festivals: Communal Violence during Ram Navami processions in 2022-23
Irfan Engineer and Neha Dabhade
Pharos Media, 2024. New Delhi.
The last few decades have seen high quality academic research around the theme of communalism in India. Steven Wilkinson, Thomas Blom Hansen, Gyanendra Pandey, Ornit Shani, Joya Chatterji, and Charu Gupta are some of the best names in this field. The book under review, Weaponisation of Hindu Festivals (2024) by Irfan Engineer and Neha Dabhade, is a significant addition to the growing literature on communalism in India. The authors are associated with the Centre for the Study of Society and Secularism, a renowned institution founded by Asghar Ali Engineer for promoting pluralism and communal harmony in India.
This book studies the major instances of communal violence that occurred between 2022 and 2023 during Ram Navami processions. In 2022, major incidents were reported from Jharkhand, Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh, while in 2023, major incidents were reported from West Bengal, Maharashtra, Gujarat and Bihar. The authors have interviewed survivors, alleged perpetrators, police, administrators, local politicians, lawyers, and civil society members. The book has lessons for social scientists, social activists, policy makers and all the concerned citizens of India.
First, the report shows that these acts of violence were pre-planned, not spontaneous. Many times, local politicians also colluded with goons in organising the violence. Most of the participants of these processions were youngsters joining in just for the thrill. These youths usually insisted on carrying the procession through areas populated by religious minorities. The processions were routed through Muslim majority neighbourhoods, preferably where a mosque would be located. Then they would raise slogans against religious minorities and provoke them. In the majority of cases, Muslims were not at all provoked. Political scientist Paul Brass called it the Institutionalised Riot System (IRS).
Second, these acts of violence were executed by local goons in collusion with both police and administration. The state was either complicit or acted as a silent spectator. After the incidents, the victims were charged with false cases for inciting violence! Often, some local leaders also joined in and delivered a minor inciting comment against religious minorities. Later, the administration bulldozed the houses of the victims, falsely alleging that they were the perpetrators. One can read the essay ‘The politics of narratives’ (2020) by Irfan Ahmad about the role of the state in such violence.
Third, the report shows that the media has not played its rightful role towards the betterment of society. The study found that mainstream media often parroted the dominant narrative where minorities were vilified. Social media played an even worse role by spreading fake news about religious minorities. In general, we are seeing youngsters falling prey to the trap of fake news and misinformation. Fortunately, we have some credible media platforms, which regularly bring out true facts. Mohammad Reyaz, in his essay ‘The role of internet in mainstreaming of Muslims in India’ (2021), details the working of such progressive media.
Fourth, the book shows that Hindu communalism does not only target religious minorities but also Dalits. Hindu communalist organisations reinforce socio-economic hierarchies under the guise of promoting Hindu unity. The history of this process can be traced to Poona Pact, 1932 on which Dr. Ambedkar has written extensively. The report in their study of Aurangabad (Maharashtra) and Koderma (Jharkhand) found out how political parties like Congress, Rashtriya Janata Dal, Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi and AIMIM wanted socio-economic development. To check this, Hindu communalist outfits started Hinduising Dalits by depicting them as saviours of Hindu culture and erasing their history of suffering at the hands of dominant caste Hindus for centuries. Bhanwar Meghwanshi’s memoir, I could not be Hindu (2020), is a vivid description of that.
Fifth is the story of Adivasis. The report tells us that certain areas in Madhya Pradesh and Jharkhand have a sizeable Adivasi population. Communalist groups Hinduise them by erasing their rich history and civilisation. The report could have further highlighted the Adivasi struggle for the Sarna religion in the Census survey. Adivasis know quite well that Hinduising them would help in diluting their struggle for jal, jangal and jameen. Talks by scholar-activist Neetisha Xalxo and the essay The Adivasi Dilemma (2019) by sociologist Nandini Sundar make similar arguments.
Sixth, is the question of gender equality. The report shows how Hindu communalists target Hindu women by labelling them weak and gullible. Their physical mobility is restricted and their families are asked to monitor their daughters. This spreads mistrust within the Hindu family. It is here that Hindu communalists are against BR Ambedkar’s idea of a just society. For Ambedkar, women must be free to choose their life partner. Historians like Charu Gupta and Tanika Sarkar elaborate on how Hindutva aims to normalise patriarchy among women.
Lastly, the report shows that Hindu communalism is inherently against the poor. To deflect the attention of the Hindu poor from economic inequality, the Hindu rich raise communal issues to maintain their dominance. Communalism, thus, helps in maintaining class-based exploitation by pitting the Hindu poor against the non-Hindu poor. One of the best examples is the case of Gujarat, where Congress was fighting for development and had the KHAM electoral alliance. It was dislodged by a Hindu communalist party by spreading hatred against Muslims. Ornit Shani’s essay ‘The Rise of Hindu Nationalism in India’ (2005) is considered as a classic in this regard.
Towards the end, the report recommends a series of steps to check such violence and demands compensation for survivors of such violence. Reconciliation is possible only when justice is delivered.
Overall, the report succeeds in going beyond the usual Hindu-Muslim binary and in showing the ill effects of communalism across the social spectrum. The greatness of any religion lies in its ability to live harmoniously with all other faiths. It is the task of all the concerned citizens to promote pluralism and social inclusion.
One only hopes that people like Tushar Gandhi, Nivedita Menon, Ram Puniyani, Harbans Mukhia, Prabhat Patnaik, Rajeev Bhargav, Sukhadeo Thorat, Apoorvanand Jha, and Suhas Palshikar keep up the struggle in the service of humanity. We all need to follow in their footsteps. JN Nehru and MK Gandhi were fighting for a composite and inclusive Independent India, argued historian Mushirul Hasan. It was this dream which Dr Ambedkar had in his States and Minorities (1947), a dream that we need to fulfil now.
